I
have had an interesting couple of weeks discussing perpetrators of sexual harm
(including youths, individuals with learning
disabilities, Black and Ethnic Minority populations and females) and their
victims (especially vulnerable, youth and
male victims) in a number of different contexts (research symposium, CPD training, stakeholder meetings and academic
conferences). The one thing that has
been reinforced in me – individuals who perpetrate sexual harm against others
are not that different to each other (regardless of status – race, age, gender
etc) or to non-sexually harmful individuals.
I am not saying that we have not recognized these similarities before, but rather that
when you spend your time talking about one or two particular subgroups of perpetrators
of sexual harm (so for me it’s usually
medium to high risk males who sexually harm children) you tend to miss the big
picture. This lack of big picture
perspective is often reinforced by the fact that we have in part, with the
assistance of policy makers and the public because it suited their needs,
created an industry based around the idea that perpetrators of sexual harm are
radically different from all other types of perpetrators of crime and therefore
need a highly specialized approach. The notion that individuals who perpetrate
sexual harm are in some way unique is partly true because different sub-types of perpetrators do need
different degrees of support, different
types of treatment, unique policies and more research; but not the whole
population. We still have things to learn about how perpetrators of sexual harm
are similar to each other as well as to other offender groups at a baseline
level.
One of the most predominant pieces of research in
criminology is David Farrington’s Cambridge study, it sets the
ground work for how we consider offending populations. In his study Farringtion
found that there are certain pre-cursors
to criminal activity including, appropriate socialization, educational
engagement and achievement, positive reinforcement, good family and peer
stability, positive role modelling, positive attachment and the importance of
having goals/plans. Although, Farrington’s initial study was about youths it
developed into a longitudinal study that followed the same sample population
across there lifespan (and is still going), therefore coming more about
developmental pathways in crime rather than a snapshot of one sub-category/population.
Farrignton’s findings are universal across all accepts of offenders, offending behavior
and rehabilitation; although we may have different studies, authors and
theories the basic premise is still the same – stability, positivity and life
goals. We see them regulated for all sorts of offenders, including sexual
offenders we just have to look at the pre-dominate theories in our field
including Risk Need Responsivity, Good Lives Model, attachment and cognitive
change to name but a few. This means that we need to look at the perpetrator as
an individual, which we do, and not apply global, one size fits all models;
which is the beauty of Farringtion’s work in that it offers a range of individual
and complementary explanations for offending behavior which starch across a
variety of offences.
The capacity to look outside of our field’s tradition
research and practice silos will enable us to open up additional lines of
enquiry and allow us to reframe the policy/treatment/research debates around
sexual harm. One clear example of this being desistence theory , which is
relatively new to the field of sexual harm but that criminology, public health
and drug treatment had been using for years. In closing, I thought it would be
useful to frame some of the main issues faced by perpetrators of sexual
violence in the context of perpetrators of crime in general to highlight that
actually “we are not that different after all…”:
-
Most perpetrators or crime are vulnerable themselves, maybe having been a
victim of crime themselves. We know that not all victims go on to perpetrate,
but we know that some do and not necessarily in the crimes that they were
victims off.
-
We know that issues of vulnerability can, and often do, play out across
victim and perpetrator groups.
-
Males can be
victims of crime as well as females.
-
Mental health issues can play a role in the perpetration of crime and that
there is a relationship between mental illness and incarceration.
-
Most youth perpetrators of crime
tend to grow out of offending as they develop across the lifespan.
-
That evidence based policy and practice (evidence lead) is what we should
be striving for but often we get policy based evidence (ideologically lead).
-
Female perpetrators of crime tend to be labeled as “doubly deviant” as opposed
to male perpetrators, female perpetrators also tended to be more often labelled
as mentally ill as opposed to males and are less likely to serve long prison
sentences.
-
Male perpetrators of crime tend to be constructed as mad or bad, regardless
of the crime.
-
The “what works”/individual treatment model is advocated for all types of perpetrators.
-
That social context (age, race, education, etc.) plays out across all perpetrator
groups.
-
That there can be false allegations, issues with Eye Witness Testimony and police
decision making/discretion.
-
There are issues, concerns, complaints and negative reaction from the
public about offender re-entry.
-
The public and society are more likely to believe that youth and female perpetrator
groups are more likely to reform and need social support than adult perpetrator.
Kieran McCartan, PhD
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