By David S. Prescott, LICSW, & Kieran McCartan, Ph.D.
As we prepare
for this year’s NOTA conference, we have
been again discussing many of the controversies of our field, among these are
the effectiveness of the work that we do. An important 2017 article
by Karl Hanson and his colleagues is among the most recent to indicate that
truly low risk/need people very often require no abuse-specific treatment at
all. We certainly agree and continue to urge considerable thought in this area,
as we did in 2017.
However, it’s important to distinguish abuse-specific treatment from other
mental health services that can help people lead a more fulfilling lifestyle in
which offending is undesirable and unnecessary. One concern we have in the
subsequent discussions is that it may become easy to confuse “doesn’t need
treatment aimed at reducing his risk” with “doesn’t need treatment, period.”
This leads to broader questions about what our goals are when providing treatment.
Criminal justice
policy and practice, internationally, typically indicates that something should
be done with people convicted of an offence, including sexual offences,
parallel to their punishment/incarceration. These programs, including treatment
and other interventions, are usually pro-social, educational and designed to
help people integrate back into society and desist from future offending. However,
it might behoove each us to ask ourselves honestly what our motivations are in
believing in the effectiveness or ineffectiveness of abuse-specific treatment.
Is it that we believe that an individual should receive treatment because it is
the best outcome for them or is it because we feel that we are providing
treatment to someone because something needs to be in response to their
problematic behavior and treatment is the path of least resistance in the
public as well as the political domain? Do we believe in treatment because we believe
that people can change or because we want to be seen to be doing something and
that treatment is an acceptable outcome? To what extent do we view treatment, and the accountability it brings, as part of required punishment and/or justice for the
people who have been convicted of a sexual offence? Therefore, what is the purpose of treatment, especially
“mandated” treatment?
Different readers will have different responses to the questions
above. Much debate in our field has emerged from findings such as those by
Schmucker and Lösel in 2015. That study found
re-offense rates of 10.1 and 13.7 percent for treated and undertreated people
convicted of sex crimes respectively. Although this represented a relative
reduction of 26.3 percent, the numbers are clearly not what anyone would like
them to be. Nonetheless, other studies
have found that people who abuse very often believe that treatment is important
and can be helpful. How should we understand all these findings?
A recent article
in the New Yorker addressed problems in understanding statistics. Within the
article, the author took note of a now-classic study:
Take a clinical trial on
aspirin run by the Oxford medical epidemiologist Richard Peto in 1988.
Aspirin interferes with the formation of blood clots, and can be used to
prevent them in the arteries of the heart or the brain. Peto’s team wanted
to know whether aspirin increased your chances of survival if it was
administered in the middle of a heart attack.
"Their trial involved 17,187 people and showed a remarkable effect. In the group that was given a placebo, 1,016 patients died; of those who had taken the aspirin, only 804 died. Aspirin didn’t work for everyone, but it was unlikely that so many people would have survived if the drug did nothing. The numbers passed the threshold; the team concluded that the aspirin was working.
"Their trial involved 17,187 people and showed a remarkable effect. In the group that was given a placebo, 1,016 patients died; of those who had taken the aspirin, only 804 died. Aspirin didn’t work for everyone, but it was unlikely that so many people would have survived if the drug did nothing. The numbers passed the threshold; the team concluded that the aspirin was working.
The story of
these findings is a reminder that our findings are best understood when placed
into a broader context. Obviously, there are differences between baby aspirin
(where the benefits will nearly always outweigh the risks) and treatment for
sexual abuse (where some clients have faced consequences from their treatment
disclosures despite attempts to protect their rights against
self-incrimination). Nonetheless, the numbers themselves remind us that even a small level of impact in sexual violence can produce dramatic improvements in
the quality of life of both those who have abused and the people who won’t be
abused thanks to our interventions. Marshall
and McGuire compared various kinds of treatment in 2003, and in their
conclusions suggested that “using a harm reduction index to estimate effect sizes for treatment with
sexual offenders would produce more meaningful results.”
Although
treatment for people convicted of a sexual offence is rooted in language around
reducing reoffending, this may not be the only outcome we should consider. We
must remember this! Treatment for people convicted of a sexual offence does not
stop offending behavior, it provides individuals with the skills to understand
and manage their behavior better. Treatment is a process and not an outcome! Hence,
we need a “what works”, individualized approach that is orientated towards the
client, what they need, what they respond too and what will help them change
their lifestyle.
Whatever the
finer points may be, we keep returning to what the research shows:
· Across time, place, and
setting, people can benefit from talking to professionals to get on track and
stay on track with their lives.
· Punishment-only responses have
not worked in any of the large-scale analyses that have taken place (e.g., Smith,
Goggin, & Gendreau, 2002)
· Treatment for sexual aggression
can help to reduce re-offense and build better lives
· For those returning to the
community, treatment combined with supervision can increase its effectiveness
· As others have observed, the
safest person who has abused is:
o
Stable
o
Occupied with work or education
o
Accountable to others in his or
her life
o
Has Plans for the future
o
And has everything to lose by
doing it again
As we move into
conference season, with the NOTA
and ATSA
annual conferences occurring over the next couple of months, we can continue
these discussions and consider how our policies can most effectively put these
principles into action.
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